1. Ruth Gilmore says that capitalism will stop being racial capitalism, when all the white people disappear from the story. What’s the connection between “whiteness” and racism, do you think?

The connection between “whiteness” and racism lies in the historical and social construction of race. Whiteness has been constructed as the norm or standard against which other races are compared, leading to the privileging of white people in society. Racism is a system of power that operates to the advantage of white people while disadvantageing non-white people. Therefore, whiteness is inherently tied to racism as it reinforces systems of power and privilege based on racial hierarchies.

2. Gilmore makes the point that criminals are actually being created by the criminal justice and prison system (she says “the category of ‘criminal person’ can be perpetuated”). According to Gilmore, how does that happen, how does the prison system create new “criminals“? Do you agree with her view?

Ruth Gilmore argues that the criminal justice and prison system perpetuate the creation of new “criminals” through various mechanisms such as selective law enforcement, harsh sentencing policies, and inadequate social support systems. These systems disproportionately target and criminalize marginalized communities, particularly people of color and those from low-income backgrounds, leading to cycles of poverty, incarceration, and recidivism. I agree with Gilmore’s view that the prison system plays a significant role in perpetuating inequality and creating new “criminals” by failing to address underlying social issues and resorting to punitive measures instead of rehabilitation.

3. Describe how your understand what Prof. Gilmore – in the last part of her video – calls “liberation struggle”?

“Liberation struggle,” as described by Professor Gilmore, refers to collective efforts aimed at challenging and dismantling systems of oppression and inequality. It encompasses a range of social, political, and economic actions aimed at achieving justice, equity, and liberation for marginalized communities. This may include grassroots organizing, advocacy for policy change, direct action, and solidarity across different social movements. Overall, liberation struggle seeks to transform society to create a more just and equitable world for all individuals, particularly those who have been historically marginalized and oppressed.

1. P.Williams writes in her essay, that the war on terror is a new type of war. What’s new about it, how is it different from traditional wars?

In her essay, P. Williams states, ”This concern is heightened by the fact that the war has been framed as one against “terror” – against unruly if deadly emotionalism – rather than as a war against specific bodies, specific land, specific resources” (Williams 1). This means that the enemy is not clearly defined, and the battlefield is not limited to a specific geographic area. Additionally, the tactics used in this type of war, such as suicide bombings and cyber attacks, are not traditional methods of warfare.

2. In what ways does the “Roving Wiretaps” of the Patriot Act seem to violate the Bill of Rights? Which amendment(s) does it seem to violate and why ?

The “Roving Wiretaps” of the Patriot Act permits the government to surveil and monitor individuals communications without the need for a specific warrant. This act appears to contradict the Fourth Amendment, which protects citizens against unjustified searches and seizures unless authorized by a warrant of probable cause.

3. What about “Sneek and Peek” Warrants?

“Sneak and Peek” warrants enable law enforcement to search an individual’s property without immediately notifying them of the search. This practice appears to contravene the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition of unreasonable searches and seizures, as well as the Fifth Amendment’s safeguard against self-incrimination. These warrants authorize searches without the need to establish probable cause before a judge, leading some to contend that they violate the Fourth Amendment.

1. Describe how you understand the “Establishment Clause” and the related “Lemon Test”.

The First Amendment of the US Constitution includes the Establishment Clause, which prohibits the government from endorsing any official religion or showing favoritism towards any particular religion. To determine whether a law or government action violates this clause, the Lemon test is used. This test involves three parts: the law or action must have a secular purpose, its primary effect must not be to advance or inhibit religion, and it must not create excessive entanglement between government and religion.

2. Is burning the US flag protected by the first amendment? Explain by referring to the relevant court case discussed in the reading.

Supreme Court determined that the act of burning the US flag is a type of symbolic speech that is safeguarded by the First Amendment. The decision confirmed that individuals have the right to engage in political expression, even if it is considered distasteful or disagreeable by others.

3. What does it mean when someone says “I’m taking the Fifth”?

The phrase “I’m taking the Fifth” means an individual is invoking their right to remain silent under the Fifth Amendment of the US Constitution. It also serves to protects individuals from self-incrimination. Pleading the Fifth is declining to answer a question based on the possibility that their response could be used against them in a criminal proceeding.

1. Based on the arguments presented in Readings 6.1 and 6.2, which social class wrote the Constitution, and which class was excluded and not allowed to participate in this process? In your comment, make sure you clearly specify the difference between the two classes by giving examples from the readings. In reading 6.1, “Democracy for the Few” by Michael Parenti, they identify the people of the Constitution as “just such wealthy and powerful ‘gentlemen’, our Founding Fathers.” (Parenti p.6). They excluded “poor farmers, Artisans, Indentured servants, or slaves” from “attending the convention to proffer an opposing viewpoint.” (Parenti p.9). In reading 6.2, “An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States” by Charles Beard, they identify the “Founding Fathers” as by Madison “the Republican liberty” (Beard p.1); and the working class to be excluded from politics.
2. Would say that the social class structure of early United States society, was the same as ours today, or different? Explain. In todays society, there are very similar things in our class structure between the early United States society. An example is taxes. In the passage, “Democracy for the Few” by Michael Parenti, it states, “This process of using the taxing power to gain money from the working populace in order to bolster private fortunes continues to this day.” (Parenti p.9).
3. Why were the people who wrote the Constitution so afraid of democracy? Hint: think about how to answer this question by discussing it in terms of social classes. The people who wrote the Constitution stated democracy to be “the worst of all Political evils.’ As Elbridge Gerry put it.” (Parenti p.8). This was because they believed democracy would give to much power to the people of society in having some rule and opinion in politics. In, “Democracy for the Few” by Michael Parenti, “Roger Sherman concurred: ‘The people should have as little to do as may be about the Government’ (Parenti p.8).

1. What is the distinction that Reading 4.3 makes between owners and employees? Give an example of each. The distinction made is that owners “live mostly off investments, which include stocks, bonds, rents, mineral royalties, and other property income”(Parenti 27), while employees “live mostly off wages, salaries, and fees.”(Parenti 27). In the reading, “Wealth and Wants in the United States” by Michael Parenti, he also makes the statement that, “The distinction between owners and employees is blurred somewhat by the range of income in both classes”. This meaning that owners not only invest, but they earn more than their employees, and there is the distinction.
2. How do you understand the quote by Adam Smith on pg. 28? What is it saying about labor? The quote given in the reading “Wealth and Wants in the United States” by Michael Parenti, defines labor to be required for production and money is the representation of that value.
3. What are your thoughts on the main argument of Reading 4.4 that class is NOT an identity? My personal thoughts on “Class Rules Everything Around Me” by Paul Heideman on class in not our identity, is that I agree. Individuals are more complex than just a class status. Someones identity should be defined in a broader context. As stated in the reading, “class is an identity like race or gender, but socialist wrongly think it’s the most important identity. So when they claim to be against Liberal “identity politics”, they aren’t actually rejecting it, but simply promoting their favored version of it- while denigrating the fight against racial and gender oppression”.
4. How do you understand the argument Reading 4.4. makes when stating that “class structures are built around a close form of dependency”? What is this close form of dependency, and can you think of an example? The argument the reading makes is that, “Capitalist hold a form of that, more than any other, forces all of society to depend on them. Yet because capitalists also depend on workers, workers have the power to resist capitalist prerogatives.” Meaning that the existence and function of one class depend closely on one another. An example of this is also when an employee depends on the executive for a job opportunity, guidance or what tasks to complete, while executives depends on the employee to provide their skills and contribution to a company.

1. What is a Repressive State Apparatus? Why does Althusser call it “repressive”? Can we explain his choice of words here? Give an example.  

Repressive state apparatus is the use of fear to manipulate and control people through threats of violence, police, courts, and prisons to maintain social order. 

 Althusser calls it “repressive” because they function by force and punishments. Especially for the aim of enforcing laws and maintaining order in society. 

An example of repressive state apparatus is the police. The police maintain law and order by enforcing the rules and regulations, arresting offenders, and enforcing their authority through necessary force. This force can be seen as “repressive” measures.  

2. Let’s do the same for the Ideological State Apparatus. What are they, and how do they seem to work? 

Ideological state apparatus functions by ideology first. It is the use of institutions such as schools, politics, churches, and media to maintain order in society. They still use discipline, but they use nonviolent punishment to preserve order.  

An example of an ideological state apparatus is schools, which are mandatory for all children. From a young age, schools teach us to obey and follow the rules. We are taught that if we disobey, there will be consequences, for example, expulsion. 

3. How are the Repressive and Ideological State Apparatuses different from each other? What is the difference between the two? 

The repressive and ideological state apparatuses are different from each other because although they both use punishment as a form of control, the repressive state apparatus uses violent measures first, while the ideological state apparatus uses ideology first and then uses a nonviolent threat or punishment to enforce order and discipline. The use of police force to keep law and order is a repressive act. The punishment of detention in school, when a child doesn’t follow the rules or schedule, is an ideological state apparatus.  

4. Post an example of ideology. This could be a piece of writing, an image, a video, a PDF document, visual art, music, or a clip from a movie. Next to your example, specify if this is an example of repressive or ideological apparatuses at work.

American Idiot by Green Day

The song American Idiot is about ideological apparatus at work. The song discusses that the United States is a “nation under the new media,” meaning the media controls the narrative, homogenizing our information and thoughts. Pushing forth “propaganda” and “subliminal” messaging through the television and radio in order to control us. A “nation” that is “controlled by the media,” spreading the information and controlling the masses with “hysteria” and not violence.

1. Why do you think Southern racist politicians chose to frame their defense of racial segregation through the language of “law and order”? What special advantages was this choice of words going to give them? 

 I think Southern racist politicians chose to frame their defense of racial segregation through the language of “law and order” because they knew they would be violating the law if they tried to enforce segregation. Therefore, they shifted their “racist agenda” to “cracking down on crime” so they could shift their rhetoric to criminalizing black and brown people, including all those who sided with the civil rights movement. By criminalizing the actions of civil rights activists and the movement, they arrested those who stood up for civil rights, making the crime rate rise using the idea that integration causes crime. Representative John Bell Williams stated that with the flood of southern blacks moving into cities a “wave of crime” has followed, suggesting that civil rights were not helping those in crime infested areas.  

Southern racist politicians purposely chose not to differentiate between civil rights protests, violent riots in inner cities, and “traditional crimes of an economic or violent nature” and grouped them together as “crime in the streets.”  By using “law and order” rather than segregation, Southern racist politicians were able to fight against the dismantling of the Jim Crow system because positions taken on crime policies were basically the same as racial ideologies.

 2. Do you think the Southern Strategy is still influencing American politics? Give an example supporting your answer. 

Yes, I believe the Southern Strategy of increasing political support with white voters in the South while supporting racism against blacks is still influencing American politics. For example, while Trump was president, his controversial and prejudiced rhetoric ignited a rise in racism and hate crimes among the American people. We can also see its influence in sentencing discrimination. For example, if two people commit the same crime, one, usually a person of color, gets 20 years in prison while the other, a white person, gets five years probation. The inequality in sentencing is extremely noticeable.