From 1974 through 1980, the Combahee River Collective was a Black Feminist Lesbian organization. This interdisciplinary group was formed in response to a perception that neither the feminist nor civil rights movements were adequately representing the interests of Black women and lesbians. The Combahee River Collective Statement, which was an important document in the development of contemporary Black Feminism, was created by the collective. In the quote “We might use our position at the bottom to make a clear leap into revolutionary action.  If black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression.” The statement is widely regarded as one of the most persuasive texts created by Black feminists, highlighting an aspect of intersectionality that previous documents had rarely addressed. It connects societal problems that are unique to women and Black people, such as sexual and racial discrimination and homophobia, to provide a vital lens for moving toward a solution.

Before becoming aware of the concepts of sexual politics, patriarchal domination, and, most significantly, feminism, the political analysis and practice that we women employ to fight oppression, many black feminists write of their sentiments of madness. Black female politics are inextricably linked to Black liberation movements, particularly those of the 1960s and 1970s. Many of us were involved in those movements (Civil Rights, Black nationalism, and the Black Panthers), and their philosophies, goals, and methods influenced and transformed our entire lives. Our experiences and disillusionment inside these liberation groups, as well as our experience on the fringe of the white male left, prompted us to establish a politics that was anti-racist and anti-sexist, unlike white women’s, and unlike Black and white men’s. There is certainly a personal genesis for Black Feminism, that is, the political realization that arises from individual Black women’s ostensibly intimate experiences. Sexual oppression has been a persistent part in our day-to-day lives for Black feminists and many more Black women who do not identify as feminists. We noticed that we were different from boys as children and that we were treated differently. For example, we were encouraged to stay quiet both to be “ladylike” and to make us less disagreeable in the eyes of white people in the same breath. The political and economic dimensions of queer of color critique were suggested in the film “Paris Is Burning.” It was an attempt to steer sexuality discussions toward race and economic critiques. As a result, the formation spoke to Marxism, ethnic studies, queer studies, postcolonial studies, and feminist studies. Queer of color criticism also established a framework for examining cultural formations as registry of race, political economy, gender, and sexuality intersections. 

Despite its emphasis on freedom and equality, capitalism and its attitude toward civil statuses and exploitation examines the origins of racism in capitalism, as well as its indifference to the social identities of the people it exploits. As a result, looking at racial oppression as a tool for capitalist control of the working class. Finally, it emphasizes the crucial contrast between oppression and exploitation. These disparate relationships also have extremely varied effects on social agents’ and groups’ conduct, as well as their life opportunities and forms of social conflict.